N ow the norm for the nobility remained the same, and the deputy from the peasants represented by 60,000, from the workers — 125,000 voters. O f course, many did not like the new law and pointed that this was a new departure from the Manifesto of October 17. B ut the Tsar Nicholas II, obviously, already regretting that in the midst of the revolution signed the ill-fated manifesto. H owever, all known in comparison: when the Tsar Nicholas I ruled, only Decabrists could dream about the Duma and the Duma elections, the others did not dare even to think about it.
T hus, in the third Duma were12 per cent of the Cadets, 6 per cent of Socialists. T his satisfies the Duma and the Tsar, and Stolypin. Stolypin figured out how to eliminate the basis for discontent peasants. T he peasants demanded land redistribution at the expense of landlords — Stolypin offered to provide farmers with their own communal land, or vacant land in new regions. I
n this case, the farmer came out of the rural community (which is believed spontaneously leads to socialism), and became a farmer, a loner (owner-capitalists). A s the community often did not agree to reduce their public land, such land allocation (cuts) was carried out using force. T wo million farmers have decided to stand out from their communities by becoming owners.
R evolutionary unrest in the villages ceased. The turning point in the fate of Nicholas became 1914year — the beginning of the First World War. T he king did not want war and until the last moment tried to avoid the bloody clashes.
H owever, on 19 July (August 1) 1914, Germany declared war on Russia. In August (September 5), 1915, during the period of military defeats, Nicholas took over military command (formerly the post served the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich). N ow the king was in the capital very seldom. The war has exacerbated internal problems of the country. P rimary responsibility for military failure and prolonged military campaign was placed on the king and his entourage. I n early 1917 the military high command headed by the king (together with its allies — Britain and France) has prepared a plan for the general offensive, according to which the scheduled end the war by the summer of 1917. At the end of February 1917 in Petrograd unrest began, which, without facing serious resistance from the authorities a few days later grew into mass demonstrations against the government and dynasty.
A t first, the king intended to force the order in Petrograd, but when the scale of unrest was revealed, rejected this idea, fearing more bloodshed. S ome senior military officials, members of the royal entourage and political leaders tried to persuade the king that to pacify the country needed a change of government, must renounce him from the throne. M arch 2, 1917 in Pskov, in the lounge car of the imperial train, after painful hesitation Nicholas signed the act of abdication, handing power to his brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. March 2, 1917, signed a manifesto of abdication from the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, Nicholas II went to Mogilev to say goodbye to the army. O
n the way there have been no incidents externally Nikolai was completely calm. U pon arrival in Mogilev, he was informed that his brother Michael has renounced the rights to the throne (in the end, power passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks). T he next day Nicholas was heard from Alexandra.
S he knew that he could not have acted differently. S he understood and accepted. Gifted with remarkable personal qualities, Nicholas II was the embodiment of all that the Russian nature is a noble and chivalrous, but he was weak. The emperor was a man of conscience and soul, those moral precepts which guided him in his work, made him vulnerable to the intrigue. A round the king compressed range of betrayal and treachery that turned into a kind of trap to the beginning of March 1917. With the signing of renunciation becomes a point in the tragedy of the life of Emperor Nicholas II and began the countdown to the tragedy of his death. He feared that his resistance could become a reason to civil war in the presence of the enemy, and wished that the blood of at least one Russian was shed for him.
H e sacrificed himself for the sake of Russia, but this sacrifice was in vain. W ith the fall of the king over the period of the rise of Russia and began the period of its destruction, which continues today. Nicholas II, his wife and five children were killed. B ut fate did not withdraw all from them. I t has kept for us eternal values, which they lived, and for the faith which brought death, made them a symbol of courage and dignity.
Литература
1.
Богданович А. В. Три последних самодержца. М., 1990, с. 120.
2. Витте С. Ю. Воспоминания. Т. I-III. Царствование Николая II. М. — Пг., 1923, т.
1, с. 3. 3. Витте С. Ю. Избранные воспоминания. М., 1991, с.
558. 4. Жильяр П. Император Николай II и его семья, М., 1991, с. 135.
5. Мосолов А. А. При дворе императора. Рига, 1926, с. 125.
6. Муравьев А. М. Первые раскаты великой бури. Л., 1975, с. 20.
7. Палеолог М. Царская Россия накануне революции. М., 1991, с. 126.
8. Переписка Николая и Александры Романовых, т. III-V. М.-Л., 1926;1927. 9. Ферро М. Николай II. М., 1991, с. 3210
Центральный государственный исторический архив, ф. 1625, оп. 1, д. 12, л.
57. 11. Шульгин В. В. Дни. М., 1989, с. 126.
